The 1979 Revolution in Iran Was an Instant Coffee for Iranians

 The 1979 Revolution in Iran stems from human nature. It is the nature of instant self-gratification. The spirit of instant self-gratification is careless and does not process information carefully about what human needs are and what dangers lurk in the shadow. The essence of human nature is focusing on the moment of human pleasure. 

The essence of human nature is focusing on instant self-gratification. But, unfortunately, this instant gratification does not always involve a moment of elegant care for someone and later realizing it was a mistake.

Thomas Hobbes lived from April 05th, 1588, to December 04th, 1679; he experienced human nature as short, nasty and brutish. He recorded his first-hand knowledge in his work "Leviathan." He believed in a strong central government to create safety and security for its people because England was going through a political transformation. England was an unsafe place to live.

Guy Fawkes is an English historical character who lived from April 13th, 1570, to January 31st, 1606. He is famous for his failed attempt at Gunpowder Plot. Fawkes was found guilty of high treason and executed in Westminister's Old Palace Yard, mere yards away from the building he had tried to bring crashing down. In the immediate aftermath of his execution, Fawkes regarded by the public opinion court as "a huge villain." However, later on, Fawke exonerated of any wrongdoing and cherished as a national hero. 

Thomas Hobbes's definition of human nature showcases itself during the English Civil Wars, Napoleonic Wars; the Western countries colonized Asian countries and African countries. The European countries invaded the North and South American nations to obliterate the indigenous nations to plunder their natural resources. World War One and World War Two, and the explosions of the atomic bombs in Japan. 

Therefore, as time passed by, humankind mastered the art of killing another person to exploit their natural resources.

Let's call this epoch of human history; the mad scientists' humanity is inventing guns, bullets, or developing a precision method to cause mass killing. 

Science shows its kind side to humanity, too. It is not all about destruction; it provides a cure to minor or severe illness; in case of minor sicknesses, a patient regains their health very quickly, and science allows recovery to those individuals who are chronically ill. For example, COVID-19 declared an epidemic war against humankind. This time, the mad scientists worked around the clock to develop medicines and vaccines to save the human race from grips of total demise.

The Western nations went through political transformation and reached maturity; this process was a painful one for the Western countries; every time there was a global clash of civilizations, people died in large numbers. For example, during World War I, the total number of military and civilian casualties was around 40 million. In addition, there were 20 million deaths and 21 million wounded. Thus, the total number of deaths includes 9.7 million military personnel and about 10 million civilians. World War II casualties, Estimates suggest that some 75 million people died in World War II, including about 20 million military personnel and 40 million civilians.

The Western countries noticed the aftermath of global war; it leaves them in a state of destruction and impoverished situation. There is no real winner of international conflict. The ideology of conservatism lost ground to the ideology of liberalism. The liberal doctrine allows a class of entrepreneurs to replace the aristocracy class, which controls the mode of production. Economist Friedrich Hayek advocated having a libertarian economic system rather than a government system deciding for people. Mr. Hayek envisions a world without war could be accomplished by allowing privatization of all facets of life. For example, when people invest in their properties, it is less likely to destroy their private properties. In this economic model, entrepreneurs begin to have financial ties with other nations, and self-interest to protect oneself treasure from destruction comes first. Consequently, it is less likely to have war among nations.

The Western nations adopted Mr. Hayek's economic model for themselves to better themselves. However, the Western countries did not have access to raw materials such as fossil fuel, precious stones, or metals are having technology capabilities. Therefore, the Western nations decided to keep the Middle East countries at the stage of constant struggle. 

The 1979 Revolution in Iran was an instant coffee for Iranians because the former U.S. president Jimmy Carter began to manipulate Iranian sentiment by focusing on democracy and freedom that Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi deprived them. In addition, the British Broadcasting Corporation provided a platform for Khomeini to foment anarchy in Iran. This paper divides into three sections: Iran's forgotten history during the reign of the Pahlavi Dynasty, proven the hypocrisy of the U.S. policy about democracy and freedom and discussing the 1979 Revolution in light of killers at the playground.

This portion of the paper explores some historical facts, where Iran was at the Pahlavi Dynasty. Unfortunately, the western media always illustrate Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi as the puppet of the U.S. due to the 1953 Coup. Thus, it is distorting and misinforming historical facts. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's father was Reza Shah the Great, born on March 15th, 1878 and died on July 26th, 1944. On September 16th, 1941, Reza Shah the Great could not defend the national sovereignty of Iran against the invasion of Russia and England. As a result, his Imperial Majesty abdicated the throne in favour of his son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. The British wanted to restore the Qajar Dynasty to power, but the heir to Ahmad Shah Qajar since that last Qajar Shah's death in 1930, Hamid Hassan Mirza, was a British citizen who spoke no Persian.

England and Russia were busy stealing Iranian oils to wage their holy war against Nazi Germany. World War II ended, and England and Russia did not want to leave Iran. They wanted to stay in Iran. During the three years of occupation, Joseph Stalin had expanded Soviet political influence in Azerbaijan and Iranian Kurdistan in northwestern Iran and Iran, founding the communist Tudeh Party of Iran. The Soviets had attempted during their occupation to stir tensions between the tenant farmers and the landlords (known in Iran as Arabs). On December 12th, 1945, after weeks of violent clashes, a Soviet-backed separatist People's Republic of Azerbaijan was founded. The Kurdish People's Republic was established in late 1945. Red Army units blocked Iranian government troops sent to reestablish control.

When the deadline for withdrawal arrived on March 02nd, 1946, six months after the end of the war, the British began to withdraw, but Moscow refused, citing "threats to Soviet security." Soviet troops refused to remove from Iran proper until May 1946, following Iran's official complaint to the newly formed United Nations Security Council. It became the first complaint filed by a country in the U.N.'s history and a test for the U.N.'s effectiveness in resolving global issues in the aftermath of the war. However, the U.N. Security Council took no immediate steps to pressure the Soviets to withdraw.

The Iran crisis of 1946, also known as the Azerbaijan Crisis in the Iranian sources, was one of the first crises of the Cold War, sparked by the refusal of Joseph Stalin to relinquish occupied Iranian territory, despite repeated assurances. The end of World War II should have resulted at the end of the Allied joint occupation of Iran. Instead, Pro-Soviet Iranians proclaimed the separatist Azerbaijan People's Government and the Kurdish separatist Republic of Mahabad. The United States' pressure on the Soviet Union to withdraw is the earliest evidence of success with the new strategy of Truman Doctrine and containment.

The United States exerted intense pressure on the Soviet Union in stages to force the withdrawal of the Red Army from Iran and reduce Soviet influence. Finally, following an official U.S. protest, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 2 on January 30th, 1946; the Soviets replied on March 24th, 1946 and pledged immediate withdrawal. However, they remained for a few more weeks.

In a second stage through the spring, the U.S. supported the Iranian complaint against Soviet actions lodged with the Security Council in Resolution 3 and Resolution 5.

In the third stage, in mid-December 1946, the U.S. supported the Shah's government in sending the Iranian army to re-occupy Mahabad and Azerbaijan. The leaders of the Azerbaijan enclave in Iran fled to Azerbaijan, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, and the leaders of the Kurdish Republic were tried and sentenced to death. The rebel leaders were sentenced to death and executed in Chwarchira Square in Mahabad in 1947.

A fourth stage was initiated in 1947 and centred on Soviet designs on Iran's northern oil resources. Following the election, that year of a new Majlis, the newly elected deputies were reluctant to ratify the Soviet-Iranian oil agreement, which had been concluded under duress in March 1946 and granted the Soviets 51% ownership de facto control. On September 11th, 1947, U.S. ambassador George V. Allen publicly decried intimidation and coercion used by foreign governments to secure commercial concessions in Iran and promised full U.S. support for Iran to decide its natural resources freely. With this unequivocal encouragement, the parliament refused to ratify the Soviet oil agreement on October 22nd, 1947; the vote was 102 to 2.

Therefore, Iran and U.S. began to develop healthy international relations, and Iran began to formulate foreign policy in line with the U.S. interest at heart. Then, however, the U.S. had a change of heart. It decided to destroy Iran for cheap oil, as this paper will discuss the hypocrisy of the U.S. policy about democracy and freedom.

This portion of the paper proves the hypocrisy of the U.S. policy about democracy and freedom. The U.S. always depicts itself as the beacon of hope for democracy and freedom and has the final goal of exporting democracy and freedom to the rest of the world. (I, too, was a naive person and believed the U.S. wanted to have a wave of global peace. How wrong I was.) Investigative journalist Will Potter is the only reporter who has been inside a Communications Management Unit, or CMU, within a U.S. prison. The Communications Management Unit opened secretly and radically alter how prisoners are treated — even preventing them from hugging their children. His research illustrates how inmates imprison at the institutes and how the government keeps them hidden. The U.S. government wants to keep it secret, and no one talks about it. These institutes are going back to the 60s and targeting activists. These activists wanted human rights and equal rights, such as The Black Panther Party, to be treated equally as anyone else.

In the mid-1970s, the U.S. no longer wanted meritocracy to have the final word. The U.S. policy knew the Soviet Union communism would collapse. Canadian scholar C. B. Macpherson was explicit in his books that the Soviet Union will collapse at not such a great distance. So it was only a matter of time.

 In 1975, Michel Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington, and Joji Watanuki wrote a report, "The Crisis of Democracy: On the Governability of Democracies," for the Trilateral Commission. 

The report observed that the United States, Europe, and Japan's political states have governance problems "stem from an excess of democracy" and thus advocate "to restore the prestige and authority of central government institutions." Therefore, the report serves as an essential point of reference for studies focusing on the contemporary crisis of democracies. 

The vitality of democracy in the United States in the 1960s produced a substantial increase in governmental activity and a substantial decrease in governmental authority—Samuel P. Huntington. The report says the problems of the United States in the 1960s stemmed from the "impulse of democracy to make government less powerful and more active, to increase its functions, and to decrease its authority and concludes that these demands are contradictory. The impulse for undermining legitimacy was said to come primarily from the new activism and an adversarial news media. In contrast, the increase in government was said to be due to the Cold War defence budget and Great Society programs. Thus, a balance needs to be made between governmental activity and governmental authority. If not fixed, the effects of this "excess of democracy" are an inability to maintain international trade, balanced budgets, and "hegemonic power" in the world.

The report outlines that in 1960s Western Europe, the governments are "overloaded with participants and demands" that the highly bureaucratic political systems cannot handle. Thus rendering their societies ungovernable. It points to a political decision made by France that made in "semisecret, without open political debate, but with a tremendous amount of lobbying and intra-bureaucratic conflict."

The idea was not welcome by everyone. On the contrary, it caused fear among activists. The Trilateral Commission subsequently had roles in the Carter Administration and influenced the report. Specifically, Zbigniew Brzezinski restated the conclusions of the information in an op-ed for the St. Petersburg Times. In addition, Noam Chomsky has cited the report as an example of reactionary policies coming from "the 'liberal' wing of the state capitalist ruling elite.

This portion of the paper is discussing the 1979 Revolution in light of killers at the playground. The Western countries were hungry for cheap oil, and Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi was a barrier for the Western nations to have cheap oil because Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi formed the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries intergovernmental. Founded on September 14th, 1960, in Baghdad by Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela, it has since 1965 been headquartered in Vienna, Austria, although Austria is not an OPEC member state. The OPEC's mission statement is to "coordinate and unify the petroleum policies of its member countries and ensure the stabilization of oil markets to secure an efficient, economical. And a regular supply of petroleum to consumers, a steady income to producers, and a fair return on capital for those investing in the petroleum industry." The organization is also a significant provider of information about the international oil market.

Therefore, the oil price moved from $3.00 US per barrel to $40.00 US. The Western countries resented Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's economic strategy.

In 1975, the fifth estate, Adrienne Clarkson, talked to Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi about inflation in the West in the face of rising oil prices. His Imperial Majesty contends that the West built itself at Iran's expense, and he is now putting things right. 

Clarkson raises Iran's record with political prisoners and torture, and his views on torture are unequivocal.

This video clip illustrates how Western countries are blaming inflation on OPEC's economic policy. So how is it possible that Mohamamd Reza Shah Pahlavi causes economic unrest in Canada?

Canada itself has a lengthy record of human rights violations:

In addition, Canada also grapples with serious human rights issues relating to detention, including the placement of children in immigration detention.

• Rights of Indigenous Peoples. 

• Violence against Indigenous Women and Girls. 

• Children in Immigration Detention. 

• Mining Industry Abuses. 

• Counterterrorism.

As an example of a Western nation, Canada had an attitude toward Iran as if Iran was a colony of Canada. Canada loves the mullahs in Iran; Rafsanjani stole funds from Iran, transferred those funds to Canada, built HWY 407, Center Point Mall, and invested in many other projects in Canada. 

Mahmoud Reza Khavari is a former Iranian banker who was involved in the 2011 Iranian embezzlement scandal. In 2005 he became a Canadian citizen. He is a fugitive wanted by the judicial authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran. As of October 2016, Khavari wanted by Interpol.

He was chairman of Bank Melli Iran until September 2011 and chairman of Bank Sepah's board of directors from December 2003 until March 2005. 

Marjan Sheikholeslami Aleagha was accused of embezzling public funds in Iran. In 2010, as the international sanctions against Iran intensified, she founded various companies in Iran and Turkey to help Iran bypass the sanctions and sell its petrochemical products. However, in March 2019, Marjan Sheikholeslami Aleagha was formally accused of being involved in a giant embezzlement court case of a value of 6.6 billion E.U. of the assets of Iran National Petrochemical Company while attempting to bypass Iran sanctions. As a result, Marjan Sheikholeslami Aleagha fled Iran in and took asylum in Canada.

According to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Sheikholeslami is accused of working closely with Reza Hamzehlou, the then CEO of Iran's Petrochemical Commercial Company, which was just privatized by Ahmadinejad's government, to embezzle €6.6b of petrochemical exports under the sanctions. The case is described by Shargh newspaper as the most significant corruption case in Iranian history. She is charged €7,065,529 in one case and $8,710,384 embezzlement in another by an ongoing trial in Tehran.

In another case, Sheikholeslami is accused of receiving funds from Sepanir Oil and Gas Energy Engineering Company, which Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps own, to import goods that she never delivered and escaped Iran to Canada. The amount is not disclosed yet.

The U.S. media began to witch hunt Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi as a source of economic unrest in the U.S. His Imperial Majesty said many times that the U.S. was raising the price of military parts significantly, and He was paying for those parts. He did not complain about the issue. The U.S. raised the issue of human rights violations in Iran. The U.S. itself is notorious for human rights violations. The U.S. has a political culture of enslaving African-Americans, killing the First Nations and stealing lands. The U.S. talked like a maniac person and did not make sense whatsoever.

Let's look at the political prisoners that the Western countries made a poster child out of them.  

Ali Razmara, born on March 30th, 1901 and died on March 07th, 1951, was a military leader and prime minister of Iran. Khalil Tahmassebi assassinated Razmara. Khalil Tahmassebi was26-year-old from the Fadayan-e Islam organization outside the Shah Mosque in Tehran. 

On January 21st, 1965, a few days before the first anniversary of the White Revolution, Hasan Ali Mansour, Prime Minister of Iran, was entering the gates of the parliament to present his first State-of-the-Union speech. After he stepped out of his car in Baharestan Square, he was shot three times by 17-year-old Mohammad Bokharaei, a member of Fada'iyan-e Islam. 

The criminal court found Bokharaei guilty of his crime, sentenced him to death, and carried out the death sentence. Other culprits, along with Bokjaraei implicated in the assassination, were Reza Saffar Harandi, Haaj Sadegh Amani, Morteza Niknejad and Rafsanjani.

Mansour rested in peace in the city of "Shah-Abdol-Azim" (the Shāh Abdol-Azīm Shrine, also known as Shabdolazim, located in Rey, Iran, contains the tomb of 'Abdul' Adhīm ibn 'Abdillāh al-Hasanī. Shah Abdol Azim was a fifth-generation descendant of Hasan ibn 'Alī and a companion of Muhammad al-Taqī. He was entombed here after his death in the 9th century.) near Reza Shah's mausoleum. After the Islamic Revolution, the Mansur gravesite was destroyed by Sadegh Khalkhali, and his remains were dug up and scattered.

Khalkhali was one of Khomeini's circle of disciples as far back as 1955 and reconstructed the former secret society of Islamic assassins known as the Fadayan-e Islam after its suppression.

Khalkhali, in his position in the Islamic Revolutionary government, made it his mission to eliminate the community of Bahá'ís in Iran (the largest non-Muslim religious minority). Bahá'ís were stripped of any civil and human rights they had previously been permitted, and more than 200 executed or killed in the early years of the Islamic Republic. 

All Bahá'í properties were seized, including its holiest site, the House of the Báb in Shiraz, which the government turned over to Khalkhali for the activities of the Fada'iyan-i-Islam. 

The site was subsequently razed, and the entire neighbourhood constructs a mosque and a new road. In addition to presiding over the Islamic Revolutionary Court that brought about the execution of dozens of members of elected Bahá'í Councils, Khalkhali murdered a Bahá'í, Muhammad Muvahhed, who disappeared in 1980 into the revolutionary prison system. It was later reported that Khalkhali personally went to Muvahhed's cell, demanded that he recant his faith and become a Muslim. When Muvahhed refused, Khalkhali covered his face with a pillow and shot him in the head.

Khalkhali later investigated and ordered the execution of many activists for federalism in Kurdistan and Turkmen Sahra; at the height of its activity, Khalkhali's revolutionary court sentenced to death "up to 60 Kurds a day." In August 1980, he was asked by President Banisadr to take charge of trying and sentencing drug dealers and sentenced hundreds to death. 

One of the complaints of the revolution's leader and Khalkhali's superior, Khomeini, against the regime they had overthrown was that the Shah's far more limited number of executions of drug traffickers had been "inhuman."

In December 1980, his influence waned when he was forced to resign from the revolutionary courts because he failed to account for $14 million seized through drug raids, confiscations, and fines. However, some believe this as much President Bani-Sadr and the powerful head of the Islamic Republic Party, Mohammad Beheshti, "working behind the scenes" to remove a source of bad publicity for the revolution, as a matter of outright corruption.

In an interview, Khalkhali personally confirmed ordering more than 100 executions, although many sources believe that he had sent 8,000 men and women to their deaths by the time of his death. In some cases, he was the executioner, where he executed his victims using machine guns. In an interview with the French newspaper Le Figaro he is quoted as saying, "If my victims were to come back on earth, I would execute them again, without exceptions."

Let's compare mullah's attitude with Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi's attitude toward humanity and governing a nation.

Parviz Nikkhah was one of the most influential leaders of the Confederation of Iranian Students (CIS), the most important grouping of the Iranian opposition to Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in Europe and the USA. In Germany, the CIS worked closely with the Socialist German Student Union (SDS).

Parviz Nikkhah was born in Tehran in April 1939. His older sister Parvin was an active member of the communist Tudeh party. She got her brother Parviz enthusiastic about the youth organization of the Tudeh party. There he received his first lessons in Marxism-Leninism and learned how to move underground as a party member of a banned party after an assassination attempt on the Shah. 

He was already in high school when his sister married Gholam-Ali Seyf. Gholam-Ali was also a Tudeh activist and had already spent several years in prison, making him a hero in the Nikkhah house. Soon Parviz Nikkhah's childhood home had become a meeting place for young Tudeh activists.

After graduating from high school, Parviz went to the U.K. and enrolled at Manchester University. With the opening of bus services between Iran and Europe, which made travel to Europe affordable even for the less well-off, a new generation of students came to Europe. 

Parviz Nikkhah studied physics and graduated after four years. During this time, he had risen to become the undisputed leader of Iranian students abroad. He was the star of the 2nd Congress of the Confederation of Iranian Students in London in 1961 and the 3rd Congress of the Confederation in Paris in 1962. In the meantime, ideologically, he had broken away from the leadership of the Tudeh party. He became a member of the newly founded "Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party in Iran," a Maoist group that rejected the "revisionist course" of the Soviet Union. The group's aim was the "armed struggle" (Jang-e mosallahaneh) to carry it to Iran and organize a peasant uprising in Iran based on the Chinese model. In 1964 Parviz Nikkhah was one of the first to declare himself ready to return to Iran and "lead the masses in the revolutionary struggle against the Shah regime." Previously, Parviz Nikkhah had accepted an invitation to the People's Republic of China to get ideological training and training in guerrilla warfare.

According to Nikkhah and his comrades, Iran was "ripe for a revolution" in the 1960s. Suppose it were possible to ally with workers and peasants led by a revolutionary party. In that case, it could be possible to overthrow the Shah and found a Maoist "People's Republic of Iran," the young revolutionaries thought. In Iran, Parviz Nikkhah took a position as a physics lecturer at the Amir Kabir University in Tehran and began his underground work as a revolutionary parallel to his teaching activities. He recruited students for his "Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party," sent them to China for further training and discussed the planned popular uprising with workers and peasants. After a few months, he wrote a report on the foundations of the revolutionary struggle in Iran for his comrades in Europe. The reality was completely different from what the revolutionaries had imagined in their plans. The peasants wanted nothing to do with the "armed struggle," and the workers were also not very enthusiastic about the prospects of a Maoist people's republic. The physicist Parviz Nikkhah spoke of one in his report to his friends from the Confederation Paradigm shift to be undertaken, which roughly meant that the "armed struggle" was cancelled for the time being. 

On April 10th, 1965, Parviz Nikkhah committed an attack on Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi with severe consequences. Nikkhah was arrested along with several other members of his "Revolutionary Organization" and brought to justice. There was no concrete evidence that Parviz Nikkhah's group was involved in the attack. Still, it turned out that the SAVAK had been monitoring Parviz Nikkhah's group for a long time and had sufficient documents to identify him as a member to be able to charge a terrorist organization.

During the trial, Parviz Nikkhah made no secret of his rejection of the monarchy but denied any involvement in the attack. "I'm a Marxist-Leninist; that's why I'm against the Shah. Terrorism is not part of my conviction. 

The Confederation of Iranian Students reacted promptly to Parviz Nikkhah's arrest. She activated her network of famous people who campaigned for Parviz Nikkhah's release. Jean-Paul Sartre, Günter Grass, Harold Pinter and Noam Chomsky wrote letters to the Shah. The death sentence initially handed down against Nikkhah was reduced to 10 years in prison following a personal conversation between Parviz Nikkhah and the Shah.

The stay in prison made Parviz Nikkhah the idol of the Confederation of Iranian Students. In many rooms of Iranian students, his picture hung next to the posters of other famous revolutionaries. From then on, the Confederation began its protest rallies to increasingly draw attention to "the undemocratic rule of the Shah" and to demand the "release of all political prisoners." In Germany, close cooperation developed between the Confederation of Iranian Students and the Socialist German Student Union (SDS), which called for a "review of the Federal Republic's policy towards Iran." Taking up this demand, students protested in several cities against the Shah's visit to Germany in the summer of 1967. At the demonstration on June 02nd, 1967 in BerlinThen came the fatal shots on the student Benno Ohnesorg by the police officer and Stasi agent Karl-Heinz Kurras. According to the police version, the officer acted in self-defence. For the SDS, the case was different: "The bloody events on June 02nd make it clear what threatens us with the planned emergency laws." In a press release, the SDS federal executive warned on June 06th, 1967, of the acute danger of a renewed "pre-fascist system" in the Federal Republic. Unexpectedly, the protests against the Shah in Iran and the protest movement against the German emergency laws mutated into a protest against dictatorship and the threat of fascism.

The Confederation of Iranian Students had become the center of the left opposition movement of 60,000 Iranian students abroad at the latest after Benno Ohnesorg's death. Confederation groups had formed at Berkeley, Cambridge, Munich, Bonn, Berlin, London and Paris. The fact that Parviz Nikkhah had long since broken away from his old ideological ideas during his imprisonment was initially hidden from his friends in the Confederation.

While the students demonstrated against the Shah in Germany, Parviz Nikkhah received visits to his prison from his sister, brother-in-law and brother. She had since wholly broken away from the communist Tudeh party and had become supporters of the Shah's politics. They brought him books and magazines on the current political situation in Iran. They began long conversations to convince Parviz that it was more important to fight against the exploitation of Iran by the international oil companies together with the Shah than to campaign for the overthrow of the Shah. They had explained that the Shah had opposed the big landowners and the conservative clergy with his reform policy. Above all, the ideological ideas developed for other countries could not simply be transferred to Iran. Parviz Nikkhah spoke to the Shah before he went to prison. He hadn't seen a "bloody dictator" but a man who had taken time to talk to him personally.

After much discussion with his family, Parviz Nikkhah concluded that he should contact the Shah directly to inform him of his new political ideas. He wrote a letter in which he apologized for his past mistakes and described his previous ideological position as "absurd." He offered to make his new political views public. Nikkhah wrote an article about the positive effects of the White Revolution land reform published uncensored in the Kayhan newspaper. 

In a 1968 televised interview, he explained his personal history and why he now believed his views in the past were wrong. He praised the politics of the Shah and advocated a "united front" against the "enemies of progress" (meaning the conservative clergy). He offered criticism of his previous ideological standpoint. He called on the students of the Confederation, instead of fighting the Shah, to use their energies for the construction and development of Iran. 

Parviz Nikkhah was released from prison after the television interview. He started to work for the Ministry of Information and later for the National Television (NIRT). His former comrades in arms insulted him as a traitor. Parviz Nikkhah was initially believed to have been brainwashed or tortured by SAVAK to make political concessions. All suspicions turned out to be unfounded.

His past was not a problem for his career at NIRT. Parviz Nikkhah rose to head of the newsroom. When an offshoot of Harvard Business School opened in Iran, Parviz Nikkhah enrolled and graduated with a master's degree. For him, the old slogans of the class struggle were a thing of the past. He married Parand, a friend of his sister's, and began a middle-class life with a sixteen-hour workday. The marriage with Parand had two children.

As anti-Shah demonstrations in Iran increased in 1978, Parviz Nikhah's family and friends became concerned about his safety. He refused to leave Iran as he had nothing to blame. In the days of the Islamic Revolution, he sat, as always, in his office in the state television building. He was arrested by a group of armed workers at the station who actively supported the revolution. However, he was released a few days later as no charges could be found. It would only be a few days before he was arrested a second time. This time a group of nine gunmen came to his home to arrest him. Among the gunmen was a former comrade from the Tudeh party who now supported the Islamists.

Parviz Nikkhah was charged with authoring an anti-Khomeini article," Iran and Black and Red Colonialism," which appeared in the Ettelā'āt newspaper on January 07th, 1978. As in his first trial, he was charged with an act he did not commit. Parviz Nikkhah defended himself, arguing that he could not have written the article, and tried to convince Judge Sadegh Khalkhali that he had considered the Shah's regime to be the best form of government during the establishment of Iran and therefore cooperated with the Shah would have.

As after his first trial, Parviz Nikkhah was sentenced to death. But this time, there was no audience and no conversation with a higher authority; there was no conversion of his death sentence into a prison sentence or even a pardon. On March 13th, 1979, just over a month after Khomeini returned to Iran, Parviz Nikkhah was executed. 

Mahmoud Jafarian, born 1928 and died on March 13th, 1979 was an Iranian politician under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. He served simultaneously as deputy director for National Iranian Radio and Television (NIRT), managing director of Pars News Agency, and Vice President of the Rastakhiz Party.

Following the Iranian Revolution in 1979, Jafarian was ordered by Sadegh Khalkhali, Khomeini, selected as Chief Justice of the newly formed Islamic Revolutionary Court. No lawyer or jury was made available, and the court's death sentence was carried out less than two hours after the verdict. 

Mahmoud Jafarian was executed by firing squad at Evin Prison on March 13th, 1979. He is buried at Behesht-e Zahra cemetery. Jafarian had been a member of the Tudeh Party but later recanted and worked with SAVAK.

Masoud Behnoud, born on August 19th, 1946, in Tehran-Iran, is an Iranian journalist; he began his career as a journalist in 1964. 

Behnoud lives in the United Kingdom and works as a journalist for several media organizations, mainly BBC Persian Service, for which he has worked for the past fourteen years. His debut in the West was the launch of 'Khanoum' by Pegasus Elliott McKenzie in November 2008.

Masoud Behnoud sold Parviz Nikkhah and Mahmoud Jafarian to the mullah's papacy. Now, he is a job with the BBC and is living in England in total comfort.

In conclusion, Iranians believed what Jimmy Carter and the British Broadcasting Corporation told them about Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi for being an unqualified leader of Iran. Iranians thought if Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi left Iran, Iranians would have a free-ride society as Khomeini preached. Iranians sought instant coffee and immediate self-gratification as Iranians strive toward their desire to force the King out of Iran. The Western nations reached their goals to have access to the riches of Iran.

In the meantime, Iranians live in the Thomas Hobbes book "Leviathan," as Hobbes depicted human lives in a short life span of malice and darkness.

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